Hezbollah's Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah returned the gesture, when he called for considering the return of Lebanese prisoners, as well as the burial of Lebanese, Palestinian and Arab martyrs fallen during confrontations with Israel from Lebanese soil, a national celebration and an occasion to restore unity.

Lebanese political circles had been waiting for Nasrallah's reaction to the positive statements issued by his opponents in the majority. This was initiated by Future Movement leader, MP Saad Hariri, who called upon the Lebanese to consider the return of the prisoners an occasion for national unity. Similar statements followed from Prime Minister Fouad Siniora, head of the Democratic Gathering Walid Jumblat, former President Amine Gemayel, and leader of the Lebanese Forces Dr. Samir Geagea, each in his own way.

While the majority of the Lebanese are eager for some form of normalization in intra-Lebanese relations, the quarrelling sides are in need of such mutual openness, as all have grown tired. After all, the only possible outcome of further escalation would be civil war, even if some have the delusion that they can use big slogans to conceal its sectarian nature.

The majority has grown tired after three years of being targeted by a focused campaign, beginning with assassinations and followed by fierce efforts which successfully prevented them from exercising the prerogatives they earned in the 2005 parliamentary elections. Such efforts were also successful in partially obstructing the work of the state, at a time when parties within the majority performed poorly and failed to organize their efforts in confronting Syria and its allies. Furthermore, it has been impossible for the majority to establish a minimum of military balance with Hezbollah and forces in the opposition, at a time when regional forces opposing US policy in the Middle East were on the rise, and particularly since support from the US has been a liability rather than an advantage for the March 14 Alliance.

The opposition has grown tired as well, although the major force within it, Hezbollah, has mastered concealing such fatigue, as a result of ideological and religious mobilization, and of the party's superior capabilities. However, Hezbollah and Amal's constituencies have fought battles that exceed the limits of domestic Lebanese feuds on behalf of their regional allies, Iran and Syria. As for the other major force in the opposition, General Michel Aoun, who has been abandoned by a portion, which shrinks or expands depending on the circumstances, of the Christian public, he feels no fatigue as long as he believes that he can employ Hezbollah's power against his rivals. Regarding Hezbollah's supporters in other communities, Sunni among them have failed to provide cover for Hezbollah's actions in Beirut and the party's Druze supporters were unable to take action in the Mountain. Some of those allies have already started distancing themselves from the sporadic confrontations that have erupted in various areas, accusing Hezbollah of being behind them, sometimes in an attempt to exonerate themselves. As a matter of fact, some of the supporters of the party's allies took up arms against the opposition, for sectarian reasons…

The fact is that Hassan Nasrallah has implicitly admitted that Hezbollah made a mistake in Beirut. In response to a question regarding an apology to the people of Beirut, he said that an apology to the resistance and its public, regarding the abuse they were subjected to, would result in a similar apology in return. This represents a clear indication of the damage recently sustained by Hezbollah.

Although the positive direction taken by the verbal stances of the various Lebanese parties should have appeared and been reinforced following the Doha Accord on May 21, to delay it until after the deal for prisoner exchange was no accident. This deal has taken place in a regional atmosphere requiring caution, as some of the elements of the regional scene took shape only after Doha.

As the region oscillates between the possibilities of war and those of settlement, Lebanese leaders, and Nasrallah in particular, are faced with the challenge of adapting to either case. The timing of the prisoner exchange operation coincided with the third round of Israeli-Syrian negotiations, and followed the temporary truce reached between Hamas and Israel. In addition, EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana has presented Tehran with a new offer regarding its nuclear program, one which includes additional incentive in return for its commitment to abide by the demands of the international community in this respect. Iran's Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki sees the possibility of a multifaceted solution with the West and speaks positively of reestablishing ties with Washington, amid news of a behind-the-scenes dialogue between Iran and the US, and in the light of a call by US Chief of Staff to engage in official dialogue with Tehran.

A successful settlement will require the leaders of the majority, and Hezbollah in particular, to think of ways to limit its negative impact on Lebanon and on Hezbollah. On the other hand, the fact that the US has assigned Israel to beat the drums of war requires Hezbollah to seek to secure its rear with a minimum of internal Lebanese agreement if it plans to participate in such a war. Furthermore, the leaders of the majority will face the challenge of minimizing the war's impact on Lebanon if they are unable to prevent Hezbollah from participating in it.