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Opinion, July 6, 2008

Lebanonwire

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Syria, Lebanon, and France: Love and Revenge
Abdullah Iskandar, Al Hayat

Bilateral or tripartite relations between France, Syria, and Lebanon have been moving back and forth between two extremes ever since the two Arab countries gained their independence. They are relations that are good, even exceptional, at times, and tense at others. They fluctuate unjustifiably between extreme love and extreme revenge, given the relations that are supposed to exist between countries with a common history and common interests. Such relations are supposed to be cumulative in terms of cooperation and exchange of interests, instead of regressing to zero. On the other hand, these relations witness an excess of enthusiasm that does not seem to have benefited from this regression.

These relations are also characterized by the fact that the Lebanese issue always remains in the background, even when it is about French-Syrian matters, such as cooperation in administrative reform or cultural cooperation. This means that bilateral relations in this triangle still involve a whirlwind of emotions and irrationality linked to the establishment of the Syrian and Lebanese States, under French sponsorship, a little less than a century ago. These relations have not yet been able to overcome the impact of such establishment and turn into normal relations among independent countries which history is supposed to be an incentive for widening the scope of cooperation and reconciliation.

Nowadays, a new phase is on its way, for as Syrian foreign minister Walid Moallem put it, he is in Paris in order to prepare for president Assad's "historic visit" and meeting with his French counterpart Nicolas Sarkozy in margin of the Mediterranean Summit after a week. This phase moves the Syrian-French relation from contention to understanding, and restores cooperation. Nowadays, we also witness the formation of the first government during Lebanese president Michel Sleiman's mandate, which eases French openness to Syria and puts an end to Syrian reservations regarding authority in Lebanon.

In other words, circumstances are propitious for the Syrian-Lebanese relation to move from the phase of disputes and accusations to the phase of normalization. It is obvious that a prerequisite for this would be to overcome the impact of the establishment of the Syrian and Lebanese States, i.e. to establish diplomatic relations based on the full independence of both. It is also obvious that Damascus is ready to bring about such a relation, according to many Syrian declarations - the last of which was that this will take place after the formation of the Lebanese government.

In parallel, it appears from Syrian diplomacy that there is an adjustment of Syrian objectives. Regardless of the motives behind it and the extent which such a step may reach, Damascus has taken unexpected measures in the last months, from attending the Annapolis Conference to facilitating a solution in Lebanon to indirect negotiations with Israel.

It is thus that in a short period of time, all the essential constituents are present for applying what should have been done more than half a century ago, i.e. diplomatic exchanges between Beirut and Damascus, with normalized relations between two neighboring independent countries linked by givens and interests that exceed mere borders. With this step, Syrian-French relations are normalized, with a solid foundation - getting rid of the Lebanese obsession and recognizing the independence of Lebanon. Assad and Sarkozy's agenda will surely include many important items, including Lebanon, and it is probable that Paris will witness the first Lebanese-Syrian summit during Sleiman's mandate. What better time than these meetings to announce the agreement on starting the practical measures for diplomatic representation between Beirut and Damascus and on introducing the troubled relations among the countries of this triangle to the context of normalization.

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